Spain in Cuba 69 1, 100. 900. 700. 500. 300. 100. 1890 1895 1885 1880 1875 1870 1865 1860 1855 1850 1845 1840 1835 1830 1820 1825 100. 1760 1770 1785 1795 1805 1765 1790 1775 1780 1800 1810 1815 Exports Imports Trade balance Extraction of colonial revenue (hundreds of thousands of dollars) Real GDP per capita (dollars)
Fig.
rts, imports, trade balance, the extraction of colonial revenue, and the real GDP per capita in Cuba (five year averages)
Source: Data from Santamaría (2011. Maluquer (1974. Roldán (1997. to liberal governments in Spain, whose plan was to increase Cuba contribution to its development through a higher tax burden (see fig. 3) and to recuperate power that had been ceded to its elites during the time of the colonial reforms. These elites had grown old or died and had not passed on their investment habits to their descendants, whereas the metropolitan immigrants working in commercial and slave trade, though they continued their association with the Creole trade oligarchy, inherited economic hegemony over it (Bahamonde and Cayuela 1992. This was made evident by their acceptance that the constitution approved by the Courts of Madrid in 1837 would not apply to the Great Antilla and that the territory would remain under the rule of a general with plenipotentiary capacities (Gonçalvès 2008. The reason for this decision was based on slavery and meant that the Cuban population was not given the same rights as the Spanish.
This greater fiscal pressure led to a rise in the revenue that Spain extracted from Cuba from to of its GDP between 1840 and 1870 but since GDP increased 33 during the same period, the drain of wealth did not lead to any conflicts as long as the economy maintained its Burchardt, Hans Jürgen. Post )colonial Archipelagos: Comparing the Legacies of Spanish Colonialism in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. book, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2022, https: doi. org 10. 3998 mpub. 11747103.
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